A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Friday, February 1, 2019
By giving a ‘war criminal’ the top Army post, Sri Lanka proves Tamil lives don’t matter
Major General Shavendra Silva with Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena | @MaithripalaS/Twitter
President
Sirisena has made it abundantly clear that the Sri Lankan military will
not be held accountable for wartime violations.
Sri Lanka’s abysmal record in dealing with alleged war criminals is well documented. And, with the recent appointment of
Major General Shavendra Silva—an alleged war criminal—as second in
command in the Sri Lanka Army, the South Asian nation has drawn fresh
international ire.
In 2012, he was removed from a UN advisory committee due to alleged war crimes and other egregious violations.
That same year, he was prevented from assuming a diplomatic position in
South Africa. Yet, in March 2017, Silva was appointed adjutant general
of the Sri Lanka Army.
His recent promotion attests to the fact that in Sri Lanka, the more things change the more they stay the same.
History repeats itself
In October 2018, Sri Lanka entered a period of profound crisis.
President Maithripala Sirisena fired Prime Minister Ranil
Wickremesinghe and replaced him with his erstwhile ally Mahinda
Rajapaksa, an alleged war criminal who served as president from 2005 to
2015. The coalition government that had ruled for the past several years
deteriorated. Chaos and confusion engulfed the country for over seven
weeks; Sirisena and Rajapaksa trampled the constitution and Sri Lanka
lacked a functional government.
The crisis appears to have settled—the coup attempt failed—and Wickremesinghe has been reinstated as prime minister.
In the days leading up to the crisis, an important development went largely unnoticed. The United Nations (UN) requested that the commander of its peacekeeping force in Mali, Sri Lanka’s Lt Col Kalana Amunupure, be sent home.
The request was the result of new evidence pertaining to his human
rights record—his involvement in crimes against humanity that were committed during Sri Lanka’s civil war.
And Amunupure was not the first to face such accusations.
His repatriation was the result of efforts by the International Truth
and Justice Project (ITJP), an organisation that has done excellent work
to record the egregious human rights violations committed by Sri Lankan
security personnel.
ITJP has continued to document major violations which have occurred since Sirisena became president in January 2015.
In a press release,
ITJP mentioned: “For the first time, the UN has asked the Government of
Sri Lanka to repatriate a peacekeeper because of his participation in
alleged war crimes during the country’s civil war.”
Amunupure played a notable role during the end of Sri Lanka’s civil war
and it would be utterly naive to think he doesn’t have blood on his
hands. Of course, a deeper and more thorough examination of Sri Lankans
hoping to become UN peacekeepers is long overdue.
After all, the consistent shelling of hospitals and the slaughter of
Tamil civilians (among a range of other appalling human rights
violations) have been documented extensively through credible investigations and reports.
The Tamil Tigers too committed wartime violations, but virtually most of
their leadership died during the war—it is widely believed that the
majority were killed extrajudicially by Sri Lankan government forces.
Zero accountability policy
Accountability for Sri Lanka’s wartime abuses—if at all—is guaranteed to
be a long, hard slog. And let’s keep in mind that there is not going to
be any real accountability through a purely domestic (Sri Lankan)
judicial mechanism. In such a milieu, an international mechanism is
essential.
Sri Lanka, of course, doesn’t want such intervention. President Sirisena
has made it abundantly clear that members of the Sri Lankan military
will not be held accountable for wartime violations.
What is more, significant security sector reform—which the country
urgently needs—has never been on the agenda. Besides, given the recent political crisis in Sri Lanka, it is clear that the window for meaningful reform will remain closed in the foreseeable future.
Sirisena, unsurprisingly, has promoted alleged war criminals on other occasions and will probably continue to do so.
Much ado about repatriations
Repatriations obviously don’t constitute justice. They are, however,
reminders that the way the country’s civil war ended remains relevant.
These war crimes allegations aren’t going away. In fact, Sri Lanka’s
continued failure to address wartime crime foments impunity in a country
that has already witnessed much violence.
In recent times, Tamil affairs have ostensibly gained currency because
Colombo had sought to placate international actors, deflect
international pressure and differentiate itself from the Rajapaksa
regime.
But the fact remains that Colombo doesn’t care about addressing Tamil grievances.
And Silva’s appointment sends a very clear message to the Tamil
community: Tamil issues don’t matter to the central government. They
certainly didn’t when Rajapaksa was in power. And, now that he’s out of
power, they still don’t.
The author is an Adjunct Fellow at Pacific Forum. Follow him on Twitter @taylordibbert.