A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Wednesday, February 27, 2019
What the prime minister needed to make it clearer during his visit to the north
Prime Minister flanked by Bathiuddin (L) and Sumanthiran (R) addressing a gathering in the North
The commencement of the UN Human Rights Council session this week has
prompted the government to give renewed attention to post-war issues to
which the international community has given its attention. President
Maithripala Sirisena has said that Sri Lanka is considering withdrawing
its co-sponsorship of the October 2015 resolution at the Geneva-based UN
Human Rights Council which wants the government to address
accountability issues, including alleged violations of human rights
during the final phase of the military operations to defeat the LTTE.
The President had earlier promoted the idea prior to attending the UN
General Assembly last September that Sri Lanka should withdraw from its
commitments to the UNHRC resolution that was co-sponsored by the
government. On the other side of the divide, a hartal and shutdown of
Tamil areas in the North and East is taking place to protest against the
government’s delay in implementing its Geneva commitments.
Among the key challenges to which the government has been giving its
attention to since the co-signing of the UNHRC resolution are the return
of land to the people, release of those held in custody for long
periods without trial and the question of missing persons. In addition,
the government is presently focusing on the replacement of the
Prevention of Terrorism Act which was approved by the Parliament as a
temporary measure in 1979, but which has remained on the law books to
become the mainstay in the country’s national security arsenal. It was
used in full measure to tackle both the Tamil and JVP rebellions. The
government has come up with a draft Counter Terrorism Act (CTA) which
has still to be presented to parliament for its consent, which will most
likely be forthcoming without too much revision.
The CTA is a considerable improvement over the PTA, especially in terms
of its human rights protections, which includes making confessions given
to the security forces inadmissible for legal self-incrimination
purposes. Although more palatable than its predecessor, the CTA itself
has yet to be presented to Parliament which will be the ultimate
authority of passing and implementing the law. There have been criticism
from the various sides of the ethnic and political divides. On the one
hand, those viewing the legislation from the perspective of human rights
have been critical of its potential for abuse. On the other hand,
proponents of national security, to whom the president has become
increasingly deferential, are critical that it is too lenient to
potential terrorists. The difficulty of reaching a decision is
compounded by the fact that after the breakdown of the UNP-SLFP
alliance, the government does not have a majority in parliament.
TRUTH COMMISSION
The other major legislation that the government is working on is the
Truth and Reconciliation Commission which is one of the four mechanisms
to ensure post-war justice in terms of the October 2015 UNHRC
resolution. So far the government has fully established only one of
these four mechanisms, the Office for Missing Persons, which has in
recent weeks been playing an active role in ensuring that the mass grave
in Mannar is properly investigated. This itself shows the controversial
but yet important nature of this mechanisms. The remains of more than
300 persons have so far been recovered from this mass grave including
those of nearly 30 children. Some of the remains have been sent to the
US for laboratory testing with regard to the dates of their burial.
The government has also passed legislation to set up an Office for
Reparations which is meant to compensate those who became victims during
the past period of violence and repairing the damage to the extent
possible. The law states that persons who have suffered damage as a
result of loss of life or damage to their property or persons in four
contexts are those who are entitled to reparations. These are in the
context of the war that took place in the Northern and Eastern
Provinces, in connection with political unrest of civil disturbances, in
the course of systemic gross violations of the rights of individuals,
groups or communities of people in Sri Lanka or due to an enforced
disappearance. The closeness of the vote in Parliament, with just 59 of
the 225 Parliamentarians voting for it, and 43 opposing it, reveals the
wariness with which post-war reconciliation continues to be viewed. One
of the controversial issues highlighted during the parliamentary debate
was whether families of LTTE members would also be entitled to
reparations.
The government has so far not publicly disclosed the content of the
legislation regarding the proposed Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
In October 2015 when the government co-sponsored the UNHRC resolution it
referred to a truth-seeking mechanism that would be accompanied by a
compassionate council drawn from the religious clergy. This suggested a
provision for amnesty along the lines of the South African Truth and
Reconciliation Commission that functioned more than two decades ago.
However, in the intervening years international law has grown more
strict with regard to amnesties and certain types of offences, including
war crimes, are not eligible for amnesty. While the draft legislation
has been prepared, it is awaiting President’s Sirisena’s concurrence. In
the context of the narrow vote in favour of the Office for Reparations,
the president’s political support will be essential in mustering the
required number of votes in parliament.
OVERARCHING GOAL
The most difficult mechanism for the government to deliver on in terms
of its commitments to the UNHRC resolution of October 2015 would be the
judicial accountability mechanism which would deal with the issue of war
crimes. It is a difficult issue on because this would be seen by the
general population as targeting those soldiers who won the war, and
would be projected as such by those who are politically opposed to the
government. Indeed, President Sirisena has gone on record several times
saying that he will protect the armed forces. The UNHRC resolution also
calls for the participation of international judges, prosecutors and
investigators which is anathema to those who call for the protection of
Sri Lankan sovereignty under all circumstances. In addition, the
question of accountability has been challenged by members of the former
government who are concerned that they will also be held to account
through the international legal principle of command responsibility.
During his recent four day visit to the North, Prime Minister Ranil
Wickremesinghe referred to the issue of past violations of human rights.
Addressing a gathering in the former LTTE administrative capital of
Kilinochchi, he said "It is time that Sri Lankan communities forget and
forgive the past difficult history and move forward." He added that "We
all must admit that mistakes were made, apologise to each other and
moved forward to achieve reconciliation." In a reference to the proposed
Truth and Reconciliation Commission to deal with issues of the
post-conflict reconciliation he also said legal action against those
responsible may achieve nothing but a lot more could be achieved by
forgiving and forgetting the past.
However, the indications are that the prime minister’s words did not
have the positive and healing impact he may have intended them to have.
There is much evidence from psychological studies that letting go of
hatred and vengeance is the better way forward for those who have
suffered violations of their rights and human dignity. But while
individuals may forgive and forget, the state needs to hold every
wrongdoer accountable for their actions, whether high or low, which is
the rule of law. Former president Mahinda Rajapaksa has recently said
both the security forces and the LTTE were responsible for crimes. He
has also said that if those crimes were unrelated to the war, and such
things actually happened and there should be punishment for the
culprits. What he had objected to was a policy of pardoning one side and
punishing the other. Prime Minister Wickremesinghe needs to make it
known that his words did not mean that the Sri Lankan state would close
the door on the past but it would continue to deal with the issues of
crime and punishment in an overall context in which reconciliation is
the goal.