A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Wednesday, March 13, 2019
To Geneva, thru Mannar and Jaffna?
By N Sathiya Moorthy-March 11, 2019
Reports that TNA’s Mullaitivu District MP, Nirmalanathan Sivamohan,
wants the ‘Mannar mass-grave samples’ sent to a second lab for testing
after one in Florida, US, has certified their age between mid-fifteenth
to mid-eighteenth century, may require the party to clarify its position
in the matter. Maybe, there is also need for the party to arrange for
educating MPs and other spokespersons on such scientific matters before
they go public on such touchy and testy issues.
This is so despite the commonly-held layman’s view that ‘carbon- dating’
and other more modern testing methods could fix the date of artefacts
and skeletal remains to a closer period-window that three centuries as
the private lab in Florida has done. Maybe, there is a need for
appropriate forum in the country to clarify if all those bone samples
sent to the lab belonged to the same large window or if the report has
spoken about different ‘specimens’ belonging to different time-periods
within that three-century period-spectrum.
The timing is coincidental but then the Florida report has come at a
time when UNHRC, Geneva, is once again seized of the ‘war-crimes’
resolution that everyone has forgotten in the past couple of years. The
chances are that a new resolution, co-authored by Sri Lanka or not,
could end giving the nation another relatively long window as the one
that has just passed, if only to provide for the realities of
intervening presidential and parliamentary polls, which are respectively
scheduled to be held by December this year and mid-August next year.
Sigh of relief, but…
The lab report, which was presented to the trial court in the Tamil
North overseeing the process has enabled/encouraged the armed forces to
heave a sigh of relief that the ‘Mannar mass grave’ were not a part of
the ‘war crimes’ allegations, after all. Army commander, Lt-Gen Mahesh
Senanayake was possibly too quick to claim that “those who had attempted
to blame the army for the Mannar mass grave without any evidence were
now silent”. He did not possibly count for the likes of TNA’s Sivamohan.
“A lot of people didn’t hesitate to tell the international community
that the Army was responsible for the grave. For a long time it has been
fashionable to blame the army for everything,” Gen Senanayake was
reported to have said. It is anybody’s guess why he should rush in where
governmental angels of the big-mouthed ministerial variety had no
opinion to offer. Maybe, it was something that the politico/diplomatic
delegation should have brought up before the UNHRC session, in defence
of the nation – and the nation’s processes.
Gen Senanayake may have also said more than he might have intended when
he was further quoted as saying that “all parties should ensure that
they investigate and gather evidence before leveling allegations against
others”. This is precisely what an internal or external probe into
allegations of ‘war crimes’ is all about. The ‘Tamil victims’ and their
backers from the international community are only saying that the Sri
Lankan State cannot be the suspect and the investigator/adjudicator, at
the same time. The two successive Governments since the end of the war
have disputed it.
The US lab report – and the governmental silence on it, thus far – comes
at a time when a section of the nation’s strategic community is peeved
at the longer governmental silence on Lord Naseby’s claims on the
‘end-of-war’ internal reports of the British Government, especially the
High Commission in Colombo. There is also the other, news report on
suspended Army Brigadier, Priyanka Fernando, then Defence Attaché in the
High Commission to the UK, being hauled up before a London court for
his infamous ‘throat-cutting’ gestures at protesting Tamils.
With the UK now replacing the US as the prime-mover in the continuing
UNHRC process and resolution – along with Germany and Canada – Lord
Naseby’s claims and the Priyanka Fernando episode may have an
undercurrent of influence on the Government’s presentation at UNHRC, and
the way it may end up focussing on issues and concerns highlighted by
the international community.
The fact that Priyanka Fernando was a part of the celebrated 59th Division
of the Sri Lanka Army, which played a crucial role in the elimination
of the LTTE through conventional warfare, may add an added, unintended
element, in its own way – and on both sides. It is anybody’s guess if
his open-air behaviour in distant London flowed from memories from the
war-time past a decade ago, one way or the other – or was it a mixed
bag?
It is another matter that the ‘war-crime’ charge over the ‘missing
eleven’ against Adm Wasantha Karnnangoda, then Navy chief, too refuses
to die down. The trial court’s arrest-order has been stayed for now, and
a section of the veterans seem to feel that he is being made a
‘sacrificial goat’ at the Geneva altar, this time round.
If Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, the war-time Army commander, has a
different view, it may go back to times before the war. If nothing else,
similar charges could be laid at the gate of an Army colleague from
those days. Possibly, it could lead to charges of ‘culpability’ at
various levels of the hierarchy on a later day, if it came to that.
Internal contradictions
It is not as if the Tamils and the Sri Lankan State are divided over the
issue. As is known by now, the Government itself is divided over
participation at Geneva this time, reflecting the domestic
contradictions between President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister
Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Seeking to play down the Geneva events this time against the earlier
ones after coming to power, Team Wickremesinghe has left it to Sri
Lanka’s Permanent Representative (PR) at Geneva to handle the UNHRC
session – unlike sending a political team, invariably under the Foreign
Minister of the day. It used to be the case anyway on most occasions in
the years preceding ‘war-crime charges’, which politically were also
against the reigning Rajapaksa Government.
Against this, President Sirisena has deputed a three-man team of
politician-appointees – namely, Ministers, Sarath Amunugama and Mahinda
Samarasinghe and Northern Province’s Tamil Governor, Dr Suren Raghavan.
That Sirisena made the announcement in Parliament, and with Governor
Raghavan by his side, would show the kind of tactic he wanted to employ
in facing and facing off Team Wickremesinghe nearer home on the one
hand, and the international community, on the other.
What is even more interesting – if not intriguing – is the way ‘TNA
rebels’ and the rest, headed by the intractable M K Sivajilingam and
ex-NPC Minister Ananthi Sasitharan, has submitted a memorandum to
Governor Raghavan, for onward personal transmission to UNHRC. Call it
trivia or trivialisation or what, Sivajilingam has once again proved how
resourceful and how imaginative he continues to be!
(The writer is Director, Chennai
Chapter of the Observer Research Foundation, the multi-disciplinary
Indian public-policy think-tank, headquartered in New Delhi. Email:
sathiyam54@nsathiyamoorthy.com)