A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Thursday, July 18, 2019
Rainbow coalition intact with defeat of no-faith motion
By HARIM PEIRIS-July 14, 2019, 7:28 pm
The No-Confidence motion (NCM) against the government, presented by the
JVP was defeated in Parliament a few days back, by one hundred and
nineteen (119) votes to ninety-two (92) or by a majority of twenty-seven
(27) votes. Voting in favor of the motion were three of the main
opposition parties, the SLPP and the SLFP sitting in Parliament as the
UPFA and the JVP. Opposing the same and having a comfortable margin
above the threshold of one hundred and thirteen (113) members required
for a simple majority of the House, was the UNP and the TNA.
The politics of whether the government should stand or fall provides
some useful insights into the political alliances and coalitions that
currently exist, and are an indicator of the balance of political and
social forces, for the much-anticipated year end presidential election.
Firstly, the hard core of the rainbow coalition which ended Rajapaksa
rule in 2015 was the UNF together with its allies of the Muslim parties
and the Tamil National Alliance. They were supported independently by
the JVP. The UPFA at the January 2015 election was solidly behind
Mahinda Rajapaksa, but the politics of Rajapaksa verses the rest, meant
that the rest or a rainbow coalition defeated the deeply entrenched and
seemingly invincible Rajapaksa political machine. The breakup of the
UPFA post the presidential election, into the Rajapaksa SLPP and the
Sirisena SLFP is again coalescing politically, though the talks to do so
institutionally are still progressing very slowly.
For both Opposition Leader Mahinda Rajapaksa who cannot contest another
presidential election due to being term barred, and President
Maithripala Sirisena, who is extremely unlikely to receive presidential
election nomination from either the UNP or the SLPP, a general election
consequent to a successful no confidence motion against the government
is to their advantage. Mahinda Rajapaksa can lead his party in a general
election in which he is eligible for candidature, and President
Sirisena can conduct such a campaign for his party, with all the
trappings of his office and state power. Even for the JVP, a general
election before a presidential election would be more favorable, since
as a third force in national politics, it is not seriously in the game
of the two horse presidential race. So, the votes in Parliament for the
NCM demonstrated just that; as UPFA and JVP supported the NCM, while the
UNP and the TNA opposed the same, leading to a resounding defeat for
the NCM. The politics of the NCM, last week, demonstrated that at least
in parliament the remnant of the rainbow coalition was holding, in much
the same way it held together late last year, to defeat the
constitutional coup premiership of Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Implications for the presidential election
The presidential election politics of 2015 was a rather simple formula,
the Rajapaksas vs the rest. The rest, a rainbow coalition prevailed
against all odds. The 2019 presidential election will in a sense be a
re-run of that same election, but with different actors. Instead of
Mahinda, another Rajapaksa will be candidate, most likely Gota; and
instead of Maithripala Sirisena, another consensus candidate would be
required who is a unifier of a disparate coalition, while simultaneously
being attractive to a more diverse constituency, including at least
about two fifths of the Sinhala constituency. The reality of the 2015
election is that Maithripala Sirisena did not win the popular vote
outside the North and East, losing the other seven provinces combined by
three hundred thousand votes, but winning big in the North and East
with a combined majority of seven hundred and fifty thousand votes,
leading to his national victory margin of almost half a million votes.
The big difference this time around, is that the UNP and its UNF
partners have been in Government for the past five years and are likely
seen, at least by the floating voter and definitely by those in the
North and East, to have not fully delivered on their expectations.
Expectations created in no small part by the coalition’s own rhetoric of
good governance and sweeping reforms. The real issue is would many
voters switch back to the Rajapaksa candidate as a repudiation of the
one term of UNP rule, and would people vote along ethno-religious
identity blocks or base their votes on governance track record and
policies? In all likelihood, votes are garnered on a combination of
these factors. But for a Rajapaksa candidate to win, he (or indeed she)
would have to do better and improve on Mahinda Rajapaksa’s own electoral
performance among Sinhala Buddhist voters in 2015 and his appeal to
them.
Even as things stand now, the rhetoric and messaging of Gotabaya’s Eliya
and Viyath Maga organizations and their fellow travelers is certainly
more strident and nationalistic, than Mahinda Rajapaksa ever was or has
been. The real issue is whether the votes that slipped away from the
Rajapaksa’s in 2015, essentially all minorities and the more liberal
minded, urban, sub-urban and youthful first time Sinhala voters, can be
won back with ever higher doses of nationalism and stridency or a move
back to a more moderate center? Neither in November - December last year
nor six months later, have the Rajapaksa’s secured or demonstrated any
new political allies, they didn’t have in January 2015. Whether they
have done so with the voting public at large, we will know through the
next presidential election, due before the year end.