A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Back to 500BC.
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, November 23, 2019
Imminent General Elections – Ranil Must Be Thrown Out From UNP
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Although it is axiomatic that General Elections are crucial for the
democratic governance of any country, it has special meaning for Sri
Lanka at the current juncture when the country is sharply polarized as
never before as witnessed from the results of the hard fought
presidential election. This does not portend well for the country. It is
in this context in particular and the democratic governance of the
country in general that the general elections due imminently is crucial.
It is a matter of virtual life or death for the country that the
majority of parliamentarians belong to parties different from the party
to which the president belongs. This is to ensure the check and balance
to presidential authority even though it has been somewhat diluted by
the controversial 19th Amendment.
Even the proposed constitutional reforms need a strong parliamentary
opposition to offset it being monopolized by the party to which the
executive president belongs.
Towards this end it is a sine qua non that the UNP must be up and
running to present STRONG competition to the party to which President
Gotabaya belongs – Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) of which the
leader is his elder brother – former president Mahinda Rajapaksa.
PM Wickremesinghe
Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe has CLUNG on as UNP leader for the
better part of 25 years virtually by force by the brute power given to
the leader by the UNP constitution. Under him the UNP has lost a record
number of nation-wide elections and also probably responsible for the
party losing thousands of exasperated party faithful. He is still HELL-
BENT on remaining as UNP leader. It is a no-brainer that Wickremesinghe
who was COMPELLED albeit reluctantly at the last minute to propose
Deputy UNP Leader Sajith Premadasa as presidential candidate must bear
significant responsibility for Premadasa’s defeat. For several reasons
it is widely perceived that Wickremesinghe’s ‘stock’ in the country and
among a vast majority of the UNP faithful is at an all time low.
Reasons include:
i) Reneging on the promise of good governance for which PM
Wickremesinghe is widely perceived to be mainly responsible. The
egregious Treasury Bond Scam epitomizes the worst excesses of the
yahapalana government’s alleged corruption and abuse of power.
(ii) Not holding those concerned under the Rajapaksa presidency
accountable after alleging in the run-up to the 2015 national elections
of terrible corruption, violence and abuse of power.
(iii) Perception that the Yahapalana government ALLOWED the Easter
Sunday carnage to take place by ignoring several intelligence warnings
due to gross incompetence.
(iv) Perception that Wickremesinghe would be more comfortable under a
Gotabaya Rajapaksa presidency rather than one of Sajith Premadasa. This
perception is supported by media reports (not denied) that
Wickremesinghe who does not have even a ‘snowball’s chance in hell’ to
defeat Rajapaksa was seriously considering being the UNP’s Presidential
candidate.
(v) Hanging on as UNP leader for the better part of 25 years virtually
by force by the brute power given to the leader by the UNP constitution.
(vi) Losing a record number of nation-wide elections and also probably losing thousands of exasperated party faithful.
It must nevertheless be stated that Premadasa himself – UNP deputy
leader and senior minister was virtually a silent spectator in the face
of yahapalana shenanigans these past four and a half years.
Conclusion
The MINDSET of PM Wickremesinghe, who is REFUSING to resign from being
UNP leader whilst professing respect for democratic principles and the
practice followed in mature democracies, could be gauged from the
following: