A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, November 30, 2019
Myanmar town offers glimmer of hope for Muslims enduring ‘apartheid’
This
photo taken on September 30, 2019 shows people travelling on a road
along the beach of Kyaukphyu, Rakhine state, where Muslim residents have
been forced to live in a camp for seven years after the inter-communal
unrest tore apart the town. Ye Aung THU / AFP
21 November 2019
Maung sits down to lunch, sharing a bowl of traditional noodle soup
with old friends, an ordinary act that has become extraordinary in
Myanmar’s Rakhine state — because he is Muslim, and they are Buddhist.
They used to live side by side as neighbours.
But now he can only visit them under a strict curfew enforced by armed
guards before he must return to the muddy camp where he and the rest of
Kyaukphyu town’s Muslims have been confined for seven years.
In 2012 inter-communal unrest swept through swathes of western Myanmar,
including Htoo Maung’s home town, after allegations spread that a
Buddhist woman had been raped by Muslim men.
Mobs ransacked homes and police rounded up Muslims for their “own safety” to sites that would later be turned into camps.
More than 200 died, tens of thousands were displaced and the stage was
set for the bloody purge of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Muslims in
northern Rakhine five years later.
Many fear the enduring deep sectarian suspicions and religious divisions
are irrevocable and authorities claim any attempt to reintegrate
communities could trigger new unrest.
But some Muslims in Kyaukphyu have managed to maintain a cautious
relationship with Buddhist friends, raising hopes that old communal
bonds may not be completely severed.
“The people from the town didn’t attack us,” Htoo Maung says, suggesting outsiders were to blame.
Kyaukphyu ethnic Rakhine MP Kyaw Than insists his town is ready to
welcome the Muslims back, but can only do so with the government’s green
light.
“Everyone in the camp is a citizen,” he says, decrying the “lack of humanity” shown to the town’s Muslim population.
‘We are not illegal’
But there is no forgetting the new social order.
Htoo Maung, whose name has been changed to protect his identity, and the
other Muslims from the camp are only permitted to visit town for two
hours at a time under the chaperone of weapon-wielding police.
He is bereft at the loss of his old life.
“I feel so sad — I never imagined this could happen.” Htoo Maung tells
AFP, as he looks at the overgrown patch of land where his house once
stood.
He adds: “We are not illegal.”
He and many others in the camp are Kaman Muslims. Unlike the Rohingya,
they are an officially recognised minority in Buddhist-majority Myanmar.
But their status did little to help them as the unrest spread.
Before the attacks, some were teachers, lawyers and judges, while others
fished or drove ox carts transporting cargo and people between the
shore and the wooden boats that moor off the working beach.
Those jobs in the town are now exclusively carried out by ethnic Rakhine
Buddhists, who have also taken over any still-intact homes of Muslims.
Saw Pu Chay leads a women’s rights group in a downtown building that served as a mosque before 2012.
Cavities in the wall where Islamic symbols were gouged out stand testament to the 2012 violence.
The 53-year-old defends using the building, saying local Muslim friends
sometimes stop by to see her on their way from the camp to the market.
“I know them well as we’ve lived alongside them since we were young.
They’ve lived here for generations,” she says, while making it clear she
considers the Rohingya further north as unwelcome outsiders.
Kyaukphyu camp residents are desperate for a chance to rebuild their lives.
“It’s just like a prison,” says camp leader Phyu Chay of his current
‘home’, adding: “There are no jobs and we struggle to get hold of proper
medication.”
‘Unacceptable and criminal’
Some 130,000 Muslims, the vast majority Rohingya, are languishing in various camps in central Rakhine.
Hundreds of thousands more fare little better, trapped in villages with virtually no freedom of movement.
Amnesty International brands the “institutionalised system of
segregation and discrimination” so severe it constitutes “apartheid”.
They continue to lack access to education, healthcare and work — a
situation Amnesty’s Laura Haigh describes as both “unacceptable and
criminal”.
Many have been forced to accept a controversial National Verification
Card (NVC), a limbo status offering few rights until holders “prove”
their claim to full citizenship.
Rights groups condemn the NVC as a discriminatory tool foisted on many
Muslims — particularly Rohingya — who they say should already be treated
as full citizens.
Few have successfully negotiated the convoluted bureaucratic path to obtain full ID.
Authorities did not respond to requests for comment.
Under international pressure, the government has announced it will close all the camps.
But in the current plan, those “freed” would not be allowed to return to their former homes.
Instead they would be resettled in new accommodation close to the former camps with continuing heavy restrictions on movement.
The UN, NGOs and rights groups fear the strategy simply “risks
entrenching segregation” and urge the government to grant Rakhine’s
Muslims the full freedoms they deserve.
Phyu Chay says: “All our human rights have been violated.” © Agence France-Presse/Richard SARGENT / Su Myat MON