A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Wednesday, November 27, 2019
Popularity Is Not A Sufficient Condition For Reform

Lanka
has a new government that has come to power with heightened popular
expectation of reform that would take it in the direction of rapid
development and a modern state. This is a throwback to the expectations
that accompanied the election of the previous government in 2015. At the
base of popular expectations was that the new government would root out
corruption that they had come to believe had grown to horrendous
proportions. There is a similar expectation on this occasion too, which
has grown with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s
declaration in both the Sinhala and English languages, when he took his
oaths that he will not permit corruption which has become the bane of
politics and the economy, sucking the wealth out of the people. Whether
or not people voted for him, they all anticipate change that is
positive.
The sight of old faces among the 15 ministers appointed, several of them
with tarnished reputations may be charitably seen as a necessary price
to be paid in the run up to general elections at which their campaigning
skills and other resources will be necessary. Despite this
disappointment the president has won public commendation for the many
positive actions he has been taking to streamline governance which are a
break from the past. The most significant reform is to restrict the
size of the cabinet to fifteen ministries which would have been a
difficult task in a polity where the expectation is a minimum of thirty
to forty cabinet ministers. Other reforms include reducing the staff
assigned to his office and continuing to live in his home and not in the
presidential residence. These can be seen as steps to take governance
away from feudal trappings and as part of the movement intended to give
Sri Lanka an efficient and cost effective modern state.
The president’s latest directive that the chairpersons and board members
of state corporations should be chosen on the basis of their
qualifications is another positive indication of the movement towards a
meritocracy which is an indicator of a modern state. The president’s
directive that his portrait should not be on government buildings like
his predecessors have done, and only the state symbol should be placed
there, is another indication of a desire to take the country in the
direction of a modern state. In drawing this distinction between the
state and the government, President Rajapaksa is following the spirit of
the advice given by the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission appointed
by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2011, which addressed the
issues of the three decade long civil war, and stated that the rule of
law ought to prevail over the rule of men.
Popular Reforms
The reforms that President Rajapaksa is currently putting in place and
noted above are popular ones that are also good for the country. On the
other hand, there could also be other reforms that are popular, and have
the support of the majority of people, but which may be more
problematic. There will need to be caution in moving forward on them.
The support of the majority of people may be a necessary condition for
successful reform but it is not a sufficient reason. One such reform
being proposed is to abolish the provincial council system in which the
central feature is the devolution of power to enable power sharing by
the ethnic minority communities who are the majority in two of the
country’s nine provinces.
The provincial council system came into being in November 1987 as a
result of the 13th Amendment to the constitution which was itself an
outcome of the Indo Lanka Peace Accord of July 1987. The signing of the
Peace Accord was accompanied by the entry into Sri Lanka of the Indian
army, known as the Indian Peacekeeping Force. This was one part of the
agreement by which India pledged to disarm the LTTE while
Sri Lanka pledged to provide a limited amount of democratic self-rule
to the Tamil majority provinces of the North and East. The unfolding of
events was tragic and unexpected, in that neither did the Indian army
succeed in disarming the LTTE nor did the Sri Lankan government properly
devolve the promised powers.
Today, more than three decades after their establishment, the provincial
councils are criticized by most of the Sri Lankan people as being white
elephants, wasteful of financial resources and inefficient. There is
dissatisfaction within the Tamil polity that they are not given the full
powers envisaged in the 13th Amendment. They are seen by the Sinhalese
majority as being a potential line of division of the country into two
or more separate states and therefore as a potential security threat.
However, over the years there have been many proposals, including by the
newly appointed cabinet minister Douglas Devananda from the North, as to how their workings can be improved to make them an asset rather than a burden to the country.
Provincial Councils
