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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Wednesday, January 1, 2020
Russia - Iran-China: A New Strategic Trilateral In The Making
The United States has two viable options to offset the emergence of the Russia-Iran-China Trilateral and either adoption could possibly lead to further strategic evolution of this Trilateral.
Russia-Iran-China in adversarial crosshairs of United States seem to be
emerging as a new ‘Strategic Trilateral ‘in the making astride waterways
of the Gulf Of Oman and the North Arabian Sea, both, of immense
strategic significance to the United States and its national security.
The strategic rationale prompting this Trilateral arises chiefly from US
Policy Establishment’s persistent stubborn resistance to “reset” United
States policy formulations on Russia.
So cornered more particularly in December 2019, Russia, Iran & China
have decided to hold Joint Naval Exercises in the waters of the Gulf of
Oman and the North Arabian Sea segment of the Indian Ocean. Presently,
the global strategic community could be dismissive that this is just one
more political signalling by these three Nations in adversarial
relationship with the United States. This argument basically arises from
the fact that Russia and China also enjoy good relations with Saudi
Arabia, strong ally of the United States, in an intense regional power
struggle with Iran. This factor may not permit Russia and China to move
beyond political signalling to the United States.
Bur contextually, Saudi Arabia too sensing that US power and US pressure
on Saudi domestic policies may be on the decline has developed strong
relationship with Russia including sizeable purchase of Russian arms and
equipment.
However, it is my contention that what may be political signalling
presently has an inherent potential to acquire more substantive contours
as a ‘Strategic Trilateral’ which could generate grave concerns for
United States continued military embedment in The Gulf Region, Indian
Ocean and Afghanistan.
Strategic convergences of an erstwhile Superpower Russia now resurgent
to reclaim that status, the present Superpower contender China and the
predominant regional power of the Middle East all contribute to bring
these three powerful nations together. Russia, Iran and China’s
territories occupy by themselves geostrategic locations and wield great
geopolitical influence in their surrounding regions. So the overall
strategic impact would be significant.
Russia under President Putin has re-embedded itself conspicuously in the
Middle East as a Power rivalling United States presence and influence
in the Region. China though not militarily embedded in the Middle East
like Russia has made beginnings by stationing its naval flotilla under
cover of protecting its merchant ships against Somali pirates’ threats
in Gulf of Aden. Iran is the naturally predominant geo strategic Power
and military Power in this Region. Iran is militarily powerful in the
Region with appreciable indigenous defence production setup facilitating
in-country production of missiles and military equipment besides
suspected nuclear weapons programme,
Middle East balance-of- power would get seriously impacted by the
Russia-Iran-China Strategic Trilateral taking substantive shape as the
United States as the undisputed predominant external Power in the Middle
East has no matching Strategic Trilateral to offset or countervail the
Russia- Iran-China Trilateral.
Other than Saudi Arabia and The Gulf monarchies the United States has no
weighty alliance or strategic partnership to offset the Trilateral in
The Gulf Region. Israel lies on the Western fringe of the Middle East
and that geographical distance away from the Gulf does not add much
strategic weight to the United States.
Turkey which was in a strong alliance relationship with the United
States and NATO has now moved away from the American orbit. Turkey has
also now a strong relationship with Russia and sometime back its Air
Force had carried out Joint Air Force Exercises.
Iran was till the Seventies the favoured sheet-anchor of United States
security architecture in the Middle East and United States built up
Iran’s military capacities to emerge as the predominant power in the
Region and also in the North Arabian Sea. It is also worth recalling
from my earlier writings on Iran that it was the United States that laid
the foundation of Iran’s nuclear capabilities under the Shah of Iran.
With the toppling of the Shah Regime in 1979 by Khamenei’s Islamic
Revolution, the follow-up holding of US Teheran Embassy hostages for a
year or so and the abortive US military operation to rescue the
hostages, relations between United States and Iran nose-dived.
The past four decades United States has cornered Iran politically and
economically with severe sanctions. US demonization of Iran and playing
up that Iran was a terrorist state has resulted in Iran becoming more
defiant of the United States where countries like Russia and China have
assisted Iran to circumvent the full impact of US economic sanctions.
Despite sanctions, in December 2019 Iran stands out as a substantial
Middle East and Gulf Region Power of substance and strategic weight.
Notably, continued US efforts to bring about regime change in Iran and
position a pro-US government in Teheran have not been successful with
even countries like Pakistan in the past offering their territory
bordering Iran for US clandestine operations
Another factor operating in favour of Iran is that United States
European Allies like Germany and France do not fully favour United
States policy of complete diplomatic isolation of Iran and so also many
Major Asian countries dependant on Iranian oil supplies.
Contextually therefore, the emergence of a Russia-Iran-China-Trilateral
was a logical outcome of all three nations being markedly in US
crosshairs in December 2019.
The moot question that emerges is that does the United States have any
viable options to discourage the emergence of the Russia-Iran-China
Trilateral or at the very least not let it emerge with integrated
military contours? Or let it sputter out of steam like the
China-Pakistan-Russia Trilateral, the subject of my analysis in the last
few years, with Pakistan being a weak link?
The United States has two viable options to offset the emergence of the
Russia-Iran-China Trilateral and either adoption could possibly lead to
further strategic evolution of this Trilateral. Both options centre on
United States exhibiting flexibility in its entrenched foreign policy
mindsets of not “resetting its policy formulations on Russia and Iran.
The United States in a Nixonian Moment could reclaim Iran in its
Strategic Fold by normalisation of US relations with Iran to its pe-1979
levels recognising that Iran despite all odds imposed by United States
stands out in December 2019 as the naturally predominant Regional Power
in the Gulf Region. Iran also today exercises considerable influence on
the Shia Crescent of the Northern Tier of the Middle East.
With one diplomatic stroke the United States could radically change the
entire security landscape of the Middle East in its favour. The only
possible holdback in this option would be US considerations towards
Israel and Saudi Arabia. Logically, Iran would have no pressures to look
for countervailing options against the United States.
The second option for the United States would be to “reset” its
Russia-policy from one of Cold War adversarial mindsets to one of mutual
accommodation and shared management of the global security systems
especially in critical strategic regions of the world like the Middle
East.
A United States Russia-policy “Reset” was attempted by US President
Trump in the initial stages of his Presidency but his initiative was
overtaken by domestic political policy tussles. United States reset of
Russian policies would enable United States to focus all its energies on
the more potent China Threat in Indo Pacific Region and more pointedly
in the Western Pacific where China has the potential and the strategic
aim to unravel US security architecture in the Pacific.
In terms of global power tussles, United States has a shared experience
of manging global security system with Russia’s predecessor the Soviet
Union. Russia is a predictable entity for the United States policy
establishment. China is a Revisionist Power firmly intent on emerging as
the rival Superpower contender to the United States. China in December
2019 has both the military capacity and the intentions to challenge the
United Sates. China therefore comparatively is a more uncertain and
unpredictable strategic entity for the United States.
Concluding, either way, these are the only two viable options for the
United States to offset emergence of countervailing alliances against
the United States and the United States needs this pressingly as
perceptions have already started emerging that United States as a Power
is on the decline.