A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, January 4, 2020
Sri Lanka marching towards authoritarian security politics
Author: Shyamika Jayasundara-Smits, Erasmus University Rotterdam
It was an eventful year in Sri Lankan politics in 2019. If not a year of
crisis, perhaps the term chaos sums it up most accurately.

The year started with several political tugs-of-war between
former president Maithripala Sirisena and former prime minister Ranil
Wickramasinghe, after Sirisena sacked Wickramasinghe and swore-in
Mahinda Rajapaksa , quite unconstitutionally.
These dramatic events paved the way for more political problems later
in the year and eventually led to the end of the so-called Yahapalanya (good governance) coalition government.
Jihadist-inspired bombings in April 2019 created a security crisis on top of the deepening political crisis. Failing to prevent these Easter attacks and mishandling the aftermath proved to be the last nail in Yahapalanaya’s coffin.
The electorate’s response to these events was clear at the presidential
election held in November 2019, which brought the Rajapaksas back to
power. The Rajapaksas secured 52.25 per cent of the vote,
almost all from the Sinhala Buddhist constituency that played a key
role in sending the Rajapaksas packing just over five years ago amid
serious allegations of corruption and nepotism.
The 2019 political crisis was a long time in the making. The controversial handover of Hambantota Port to
China in 2017 on a 99-year lease, after the new government failed to
repay loans taken out under the previous regime, became an issue.
Controversies surrounding the port’s handover went beyond economic
concerns, sparking endless spats between Sirisena and Wickramasinghe,
the former leaning towards China and the latter towards the United
States. They accused one another of undermining Sri Lanka’s sovereignty
and of angering India, China and the United States.
The most dramatic scandal was the Central Bank bond scam, which placed
Wickramasinghe in the political spotlight. Set up at the direction of
Sirisena, the Bond Commission inquiry made political history. This was
the first time in Sri Lanka’s history that a sitting prime minister had been summoned before a presidential commission of inquiry.
The SLRs 10 billion (US$55 million) bond scandal certainly eroded the
public’s trust in the government. Although the prime minister protested
his innocence, predatory forces close to the United National Party —
Wickramasinghe’s party — were shown by the inquiry to have held key
stakes in the scam. This scandal helped turned the tables in favour of
the Rajapaksa clan, who wasted no time exploiting the fiasco to their
own advantage. The scandal helped them win the 2018 local government elections, and eventually, the presidential elections of November 2019.
The renewal of the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) and
the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) with the United States also
created waves. The ACSA was
signed in 2007 under the Rajapaksa regime and was renewed in August
2017. But in 2019, the terms of the renewal caused political heat in
Colombo and drew serious criticism from the public over the government’s
apparent abandonment of Sri Lankan sovereignty.
The new terms of the agreement also raised suspicions from both China
and India. Divisions between the seemingly pro-United States
Wickramasinghe and the pro-China Sirisena were on stark display. The
timing of the renewal proved bad luck for Wickramasinghe.
Unsurprisingly, the populist candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa strategically remained silent on the issue during his presidential election campaign.
To explain this past year’s political crisis, one cannot ignore the
‘narcissism of small differences’ that characterised the relationship
between Sirisena and Wickramasinghe. Although both Sirisena and
Wickramsinghe are veterans of Sri Lanka’s political scene, their
political behaviour during the Yahapaalanaya government showed
political immaturity, childishness and arrogance. Their clashing egos
also curtailed their ability to jointly deliver on key election
promises.
So, what can Sri Lanka look forward to in 2020?
President Rajapaksa has clearly indicated that
national security will be his number one priority. Almost all of his
new policies rest on this single imperative, as well as on a promise to
deliver ‘order’ and ‘prosperity’. His approach is forward-looking and
pragmatic — convenient given the ghosts of his past, including alleged war crimes, which have not yet fully faded away.
On the economic front, Rajapaksa is recasting the old dream of being the
‘new Singapore’. This requires both stability and security as
preconditions. The first casualties of his pragmatic approach will
probably be freedom of speech, civil liberties and parts of the
constitution that protect them, especially the 19th Amendment.
Abolishing the amendment will pave the way for Rajapaksa to reinstate
the executive presidential powers that were done away with in 2015.
Internationally, Sri Lanka will continue its drift eastwards away from the West. An unfolding diplomatic spat between Switzerland and Sri Lanka,
which began within days of Rajapaksa’s election, serves an early
warning of Colombo’s foreign policy of intolerance towards the West.
Meanwhile, a friendlier approach towards neighbouring India is already
on display, as well as a strategic balancing act with
China. But over time, management of this relationship will require more
political wit and skill from the ruling regime. Both India and China
appear to be the most helpful partners able to deliver on promises of
economic prosperity, political stability and security.
Given all of this, Sri Lanka appears to be inching towards a more
authoritarian security politics — governance controlled by experts on
violence, leaving very little room for democratic dissident voices and
in addressing the enduring grievances of minority communities in the
country.
Shyamika Jayasundara-Smits is Assistant Professor in conflict and
peace studies at the International Institute of Social Studies (ISS),
Erasmus University Rotterdam.
This article is part of an EAF special feature series on 2019 in review and the year ahead.
