A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
(Full Story)
Search This Blog
Back to 500BC.
==========================
Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, February 25, 2017
Key elements for a follow-up resolution on Sri Lanka
To Permanent Representatives of Member and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council





FEBRUARY 24, 2017
Excellency,
We write to seek your support in ensuring that the upcoming
consideration of Sri Lanka’s progress toward implementing its
commitments under United Nations Human Rights Council resolution 30/1 accurately
and substantively reflects the situation within the country. This
includes both progress to date and the significant challenges remaining.
At the end of this letter, we outline what we would consider to be the
minimum key elements for a credible follow-up resolution.
As you know, this resolution, adopted by the Council in
October 2015 through consensus, contains 25 key undertakings by the Sri
Lankan government across a range of human rights issues. We acknowledge
at the outset the positive steps taken by the government to date. Four
UN Special Procedures, plus the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights,
have visited Sri Lanka since the resolution was adopted. By all
accounts, their visits received government cooperation, and they were
unhindered in their movements and meetings. Two nationwide consultations
have been carried out, one on constitutional reform and the other on
transitional justice. The government has released some reports from
previous government commissions of inquiry into wartime abuses, and
established coordination offices to deal with transitional justice and reconciliation issues. Importantly, the government in May 2016 ratified the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.
However, we remain concerned about the government’s actual willingness
to fully implement all aspects of resolution 30/1. A key element of the
resolution consists of transitional justice promises: a special court
including international judges and prosecutors to try cases of war
crimes by all parties to the conflict, an office on missing and
disappeared persons, a truth-seeking and reconciliation mechanism, and a
reparations mechanism. The government has made only halting progress
towards fulfilling these commitments. A hastily drafted and passed law to establish an Office of Missing Persons was done without thorough consultation of key stakeholders,
and the office has yet to be set up. The three other promised
mechanisms have not made significant progress. Reliable reports indicate
that the government team working on these three mechanisms has prepared
draft legislation but as yet they have not been shared with
stakeholders.
A report issued
by the government-appointed Consultation Task Force (CTF), which
conducted extensive nationwide consultations on the transitional justice
mechanisms, should be given the attention it deserves. The CTF report
contains specific detailed recommendations, drawn from all affected
communities including the security services, and provides an important
blueprint for the way forward.
The government may be commended for mandating these wide-ranging
consultations, and should be encouraged through the anticipated Council
resolution to engage with the CTF report’s findings and give due
consideration to implementing its recommendations. To do otherwise would
be tantamount to a dismissal of victims’ voices. It was the victims’
rights groups that sustained a diligent campaign over many years that
helped to make resolution 30/1 possible. The CTF report and its
recommendations should be at the forefront in the design of Sri Lanka’s
promised four transitional justice mechanisms.
An additional note of concern on Sri Lanka’s progress on transitional justice is its ongoing resistance to any foreign involvement in
the four mechanisms. Government officials, including the president and
cabinet members, have been increasingly unwilling to consider
significant international involvement in the justice mechanism. This
directly contravenes the call by the UN High Commissioner for Human
Rights for a “hybrid” justice mechanism given the shortcomings of
domestic institutions to ensure impartial investigations and witness
protection, and the Sri Lankan government’s failure to take meaningful
accountability measures since Sri Lanka’s civil war ended in May 2009.
Resolution 30/1affirms the importance of participation in a justice
mechanism of “Commonwealth and other foreign judges … and authorized
prosecutors and investigators.” It is a core component of the
resolution, which the Sri Lankan government embraced through its
co-sponsorship, and an important recommendation of the CTF.
In addition to the lack of progress on the transitional justice
mechanisms, Sri Lanka has not implemented many of the other undertakings
from the resolution. Security sector reform, including repealing and
replacing the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act, has not yet been
undertaken. More favorably, the government has removed the police from
under the purview of the Defense Ministry and created a separate Law and
Order Ministry, and the president reportedly issued directives to the
security forces to abide by the law in its treatment of arrested and
detained persons. However, a January 2017 report by
the UN Special Rapporteur on torture, based on a May 2016 visit,
confirms the findings of Human Rights Watch and other organizations that
torture is endemic to the security forces and that a culture of
impunity is entrenched. The Special Rapporteur’s full report will be
discussed at the Council session.
While the government has made some important symbolic steps towards
reconciliation between the minority and majority communities, a February
2017 report by
the UN Special Rapporteur on minority issues, also being presented for
consideration at the Council this session, highlights the ongoing
marginalization and misrepresentation faced by Sri Lanka’s minority
communities, as well as a trust-deficit between these communities and
the government, due in significant part to a culture of impunity.
We understand that the government has had only 16 months to fulfill the
many pledges contained in resolution 30/1. However, government
statements and inaction increasingly point to a dwindling political will
to implement the resolution’s key components. The Council has played a
crucial role in identifying the many steps needed to reconcile with the
past, ensure justice and accountability, and implement necessary
reforms. It is imperative that the Council remain fully engaged with the
process until the commitments Sri Lanka made to the Council and UN
member states and its own people through its co-sponsorship of
resolution 30/1 are fully met.
We anticipate that the High Commissioner will present a robust and
substantive report on the progress towards implementation of the
resolution, and the many challenges remaining. In order to maintain
confidence in the process, the follow-up resolution this session will
need to engage meaningfully with the High Commissioner’s report and the
other reports and recommendations that will be before the Council.
At a minimum, the resolution should:
- Reaffirm resolution 30/1 and underline the importance of the commitments therein being met in full;
- Welcome the High Commissioner’s report (once available) and call on the government of Sri Lanka to Implement its recommendations;
- Welcome the government’s creation of the Consultation Task Force, the extensive national consultations, and the successful completion of its report, and encourage the government to give appropriate consideration to implementing its recommendations;
- Acknowledge the government’s cooperation with UN Special Procedures and treaty bodies, welcome their reports and encourage implementation of their recommendations;
- Acknowledge the challenges facing the government, and the need for substantial progress in key areas (notably transitional justice mechanisms, security sector reform; land returns; and the ending of military involvement in civilian activities);
- Call on the government of Sri Lanka to develop a timetable for implementing the recommendations in the previous resolution and in the High Commissioner’s report, taking into account the need for an integrated approach to reforms and transitional justice, rather than prioritizing one part of the process over others;
- Maintain OHCHR reporting, and further Human Rights Council engagement, across a suitable timeframe, with opportunities for interim reporting through oral updates and interactive dialogues.
Anything less would fall substantially short of the expectations of
victims, and risk undermining faith in the process long before the
promises of reconciliation, justice and reform have been translated into
reality.
We urge your delegation to support the inclusion of these elements in the resolution.