A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
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Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Saturday, October 28, 2017
MAJOR THREATS ENDANGER CONSTITUTIONAL DEBATE

Saturday, October 28, 2017
The debate on a new constitution is certainly gathering force, but
regrettably it is largely a distorted debate due to deliberate efforts
by those clearly opposed to a new constitution being adopted in the
country, presenting the Interim Report of the Steering Committee of the
Constitutional Assembly, which is the Parliament, as the Draft
Constitution.
This debate of duplicity is being transformed into a confrontation on
religion and not on the substance of the State, and the formulations of
State policy for the future. In a situation where instead of statecraft
that should be the substance of the discussion, so-called religiosity is
pushed forward with the use of the yellow robe, wholly distorting the
thinking on constitutional reform. This comes with threats of mass
protests led by sections of the Maha Sangha, clearly orchestrated by
political forces that look towards racial and religious divides in the
country, to support their goals of majoritarian politics.
The new surge of Sangha driven politics, against any new constitution,
or constitutional reform, calling for the present Constitution to be
kept unchanged, wholly ignores the call for constitutional change from
1978, showing a dangerous ignorance of history in the politics of
post-independence Sri Lanka, especially after the rise of the Sinhala
Only majoritarian politics in 1956.
Banda - Chelva Pact
It is necessary to recall it was large scale protests led by the Sangha
that led to the tearing up of the Bandaranaike - Chelvanayakam Pact in
1958, intended to reduce communal disagreements, with a certain level of
autonomy to the Tamil people. Prime Minister Bandaranaike, who was
compelled to tear the pact, said he was doing it under pressure, and the
consequences would be seen much later. He was not alive to see the full
bloody consequences of this pro-Sinhala-Buddhist majoritarian pressure
by politicians displaying the influence and power of the yellow robe.
It was not very long after, in March 1965, that Prime Minister Dudley
Senanayake signed an agreement with S. J. V. Chelvanayakam – known as
the Dudley - Chelva Pact - seeking to resolve some important matters
affecting the Tamil speaking people. This too saw huge protest led by
sections of the Sangha, and in the final clash with the police at
Kollupitiya one young monk was killed; leading to Prime Minister Dudley
Senanayake having to do away with the Pact.
The results of these mass protest movements largely led by sections of
the Sangha and serving the interests of political opponents of the then
governments were seen not too long after; when the country was thrown
into a thirty year fight against separatist terrorism led by the LTTE.
That battle ended in May 2009, but the conditions that caused the rise
of separatist forces among the Tamil people, especially the Tamil youth,
have still not been fully addressed and resolved. One aspect of the
proposed new constitution, as seen in the Steering Committee Report, is
to address the larger issue of national unity, and ensure that peace
prevails among the different communities and religions in the country.
The present threats made by sections of the Sangha to take to the
streets and prevent any change in the Constitution, is clearly seeking
to push the country and its people back to the days of the majoritarian
rejection of minority rights, and fair play in a democracy. This
threatens the country once again of antagonistic living among the
communities in the country, with its dangerous consequences, as history
has shown us, both in Sri Lanka and abroad.
Against Buddhist thought
It is necessary to emphasize that this campaign by sections of the
Sangha against constitutional reform or change, is wholly against the
principles of Buddhist teaching, which gives the highest importance to
understanding, tolerance and compassion.
The Steering Committee Report gives different proposals on the position
and description of the State – as Unitary, as proposed by members of the
Constituent Assembly, who are all members of this Parliament, as well
as the public who made representations to the Committee. Similarly,
there are alternate proposals about the status of Buddhism in this
country. All of these remain proposals which can be well debated and
accepted, or amended and rejected by the Constituent Assembly
(Parliament) at the debate next week. None of these are dictums,
precepts or any doctrines of faith. They are open to good discussion and
debate, proper analysis, scrutiny and assay in keeping with the core
principles of Buddhist teaching. In such a context, the campaign being
manipulated with the participation of sections of the Sangha, to give a
wholly wrong message about a Draft Constitution, or certain dangerous
clauses in a supposedly new constitution, is one meant to mislead the
people. It is something which no person committed to reason and
rationality, such as a follower of Buddhist teaching, whether in yellow
robes or not, should accept.
This calls for a strong response from the Government on its own position
vis-à-vis the proposals in the Steering Committee Report, and on the
very concept and principle of a New Constitution. One noticeable aspect
of the current debate on constitutional reform is the very large absence
of direct government involvement. The debate is largely the theatre of
the opposition both to the government and constitutional change. The
divisions within the ruling coalition – the UNP and SLFP, as well as
divisions within the formal and non-formal SLFP, is certainly pushing
the government largely into a role of silence, where the government
should be the key player in the debate. Both the UNP and SLFP cannot
forget, or seem to not know the clear mandate given by the people for a
new constitution. Most notably, it was part of the main message given by
the Common Candidate, Maithripala Sirisena, at the campaign for the
Presidential Poll on January 2015. This was the clear position of the
late Ven. Maduluwawe Sobitha Thera, who led the civil society movement
and wider campaign for the Common Candidate. The abolition of the
Executive Presidency was a very clear part of this message.
As the debate on the Steering Committee Report approaches, the Prime
Minister has been critical of what is seen as biased reporting by
sections of the media, on the issue of constitutional reform and the
Sangha. However, there is doubt in the public mind as to what the UNP’s
concept of the new constitution would be, other than its clear
opposition to the Executive Presidency. On the other hand, there is the
SLFP which for decades was to abolish the Executive Presidency, now
wanting to retain it, and also opposing a new constitution. This
position of the SLFP certainly requires a clear leadership position by
the Party Leader, President Sirisena.
There is also the somewhat unexpected position by former President
Mahinda Rajapaksa, who is in support of abolishing the Executive
Presidency, while opposing wider sharing of power among the people. This
has much to do with the uncertainties of new political leadership.
What is clearly needed on this debate, to keep public support alive for a
new constitution, is for President Sirisena and Prime Minister
Wickremesinghe to take a joint stand on the issue, and make a
declaration in support of a new constitution. This will help strengthen
the people’s support throughout the country and also give a major push
back to the racist and majoritarian forces, aligned with sections of the
Sangha opposed to any constitutional change. Such unity by the leaders
of the ruling coalition will help take this debate to the realization of
public expectations that gave the mandate in January 2015.
The threats of violence
While sections of the Sangha are giving warnings of mass action against
constitutional reform, there is a new danger of violence against those
who support such changes in the structure of the State in Sri Lanka. The
Members of Parliament, whether they support these changes or not, are
all threatened by a bomb attack on Parliament, if a new constitution is
adopted. This threat comes from none other than the leader of the
National Freedom Front, Wimal Weerawansa, who thinks he should move
beyond his farcical fasting to make a new mark in politics.
The other major threat comes from Major General Kamal Gunaratne, the
author of ‘Ranamaga Ossey - Nandikadal’, and speaker at the
pro-Gotabhaya Rajapaksa; “Viyath Maga” who says a new constitution would
divide the country, those supporting it are traitors, who should be
given death. There is also a description given how such dead should be
carried insultingly low.
It remains a major question how the Buddhist campaign against
constitutional change, can come together with such declarations of
violence. It would seem that the campaign against new policies of the
State is certainly displaying the threats that exist to democracy and
peaceful loving people, amidst the political desperation of majoritarian
racists.
While the Speaker will be attending to the threat announced by Wimal
Weerawansa, the threat by Maj. Gen Kamal Gunaratne looks the stuff of
criminality and legal action.