A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
A Brief Colonial History Of Ceylon(SriLanka)
Sri Lanka: One Island Two Nations
(Full Story)
Search This Blog
Back to 500BC.
==========================
Thiranjala Weerasinghe sj.- One Island Two Nations
?????????????????????????????????????????????????Friday, February 1, 2019
PacNet #8 - Sri Lanka Is Poised for a Wild and Rocky Year
Taylor Dibbert-January 25, 2019
Lanka looks to have averted a political disaster. On Oct. 26, President Maithripala Sirisena illegally appointed Mahinda Rajapaksa as
prime minister and fired Ranil Wickremesinghe, who had served as prime
minister since 2015. The nation’s awkward and ineffective coalition
government – led by Sirisena’s Sri Lanka Freedom Party and
Wickremesinghe’s United National Party – fell apart.
Wickremesinghe was reinstated as prime minister on
Dec. 16 as the coup attempt failed. The relationship between Sirisena
and Wickremesinghe remains in terrible shape, however; the causes underlying the crisis (mostly pertaining to domestic politics) remain unresolved. Consequently, Sri Lanka is likely in for a bumpy ride in 2019.
The coalition government that formed in 2015 became increasingly
unpopular as the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe relationship fell apart,
although an unconstitutional power grab was impossible to predict.
During the crisis, Rajapaksa and other members of the purported Cabinet
took over government ministries and supporters of the attempted coup
took control of state media.
Sirisena moved to dissolve Parliament in November and wanted to hold a
parliamentary election in January. Meanwhile, Rajapaksa lost two no
confidence motions in Parliament and Wickremesinghe won a confidence
vote. Throughout the crisis, Wickremesinghe maintained that he was the
legitimate prime minister.
On Dec. 13, the Supreme Court ruled
that Sirisena’s decision to dissolve Parliament early was
unconstitutional. This was a historic moment that led to Rajapaksa
backing away from his claim to being prime minister; he “resigned” from the post on Dec. 15.
Prior to the crisis, Rajapaksa and his allies were favored to win the
next round of national elections; that might still happen. Under
Rajapaksa’s leadership, the Sri Lankan military crushed the Tamil Tigers,
a separatist movement fighting for a Tamil state in the northern and
eastern parts of the country. For many ethnic Sinhalese, Rajapaksa is a
courageous war hero who oversaw the defeat of the ruthless Tigers.
Yet the war, which raged from 1983 to 2009, resulted in massive civilian casualties and credible allegations of
war crimes and crimes against humanity have plagued Sri Lanka ever
since. After the war, Rajapaksa ruled in an increasingly corrupt,
nepotistic, and authoritarian fashion. Sirisena served as a Cabinet
member in Rajapaksa’s administration, which ruled from 2005 to 2015. But
he unexpectedly unseated Rajapaksa in a January 2015 presidential contest.
During more than seven weeks of chaos and uncertainty, Sri Lanka’s institutions – including the Supreme Court, the Court of Appeal,
Parliament, and civil society – were tested and they’ve held up well,
consistently pushing back against Sirisena’s lawless escalations.
The crisis has had significant consequences. The nation has taken a huge hit economically. Tourism, foreign investment, and foreign aid have been affected. Ratings agencies have downgraded Sri Lanka’s credit. More worrying, the attempted coup has damaged the island nation’s messy democracy.
Sirisena has been irreparably tarnished and has no real hope of winning a
second term as president unless something changes. Ironically,
Sirisena’s unconstitutional appointment of Rajapaksa as prime minister
was largely because the president saw no other way to garner a second
term. From anticorruption to improved governance to economic reform and
more, the coalition government was unable to implement key parts of its
agenda. Sirisena doesn’t have a political base and needed Rajapaksa’s
support to have any chance of winning a forthcoming presidential
contest.
Rajapaksa has been hurt as well, though he remains a political force to
be reckoned with. Wickremesinghe has emerged stronger. The same could be
said for his United National Party. However, if Wickremesinghe and his
party don’t immediately start to display more competence than they have
over the past four years, don’t expect them to fare well in upcoming
elections.
A new United National Party-dominated Cabinet has been sworn in and Rajapaksa now leads the opposition in Parliament. The 225-member body will probably struggle to get much done;
meaningful democratic or political reform before the next round of
national elections looks unlikely. There’s been no reconciliation
between the president and the prime minister. Rajapaksa and his
associates remain eager to return to power; they’ll do whatever they can
to foment chaos, promulgate misinformation, and thwart the government’s
agenda.
Had the coup succeeded, the country would have descended into a more
authoritarian phase; Tamils and Muslims – oppressed minorities in a
country that is overwhelmingly Sinhala-Buddhist – would have suffered
disproportionately.
A longstanding democracy has flirted with full-scale authoritarianism.
After Wickremesinghe returned to a position that was his to begin with,
the situation appears to have stabilized – for now. Unfortunately, the underpinnings of
the imbroglio – from power-sharing and policy failures to personality
differences and political calculations – haven’t been resolved.
Volatility, uncertainty, and friction should be expected in the months
ahead.
Taylor Dibbert (tmd2126@columbia.edu) is an adjunct fellow at Pacific Forum. Follow him on Twitter @taylordibbert.
PacNet commentaries and responses represent the views of the
respective authors. Alternative viewpoints are always welcomed and
encouraged. Click here to request a PacNet subscription.